For years, the United States military's approach to its partnerships in Africa has often been framed around a holistic strategy: defense intertwined with diplomacy and development, all aimed at fostering good governance and tackling the root causes of insurgencies. It was the narrative that set them apart, they argued, from rivals like Russia and China. But the winds are changing, and the message coming from the Pentagon is sounding distinctly different.
At "African Lion," the US military's largest joint training exercise on the continent, the shift was palpable. Gone, for the most part, was the emphasis on that interwoven "whole of government approach." Instead, the focus was on something more direct, more… independent. "We need to be able to get our partners to the level of independent operations," declared Gen. Michael Langley, the US military’s top official in Africa, in a telling interview with The Associated Press.
"There needs to be some burden sharing," Langley emphasized on the final day of the four-week exercise, where troops from over 40 nations engaged in a high-stakes rehearsal of confronting threats across air, land, and sea. Drones buzzed overhead, simulated close-quarters combat unfolded in the desert, and satellite-guided rockets pierced the sky – maneuvers mirroring past iterations of the now 21-year-old African Lion. Yet, the underlying message had evolved.
The language that once championed the interconnectedness of defense, diplomacy, and development as Washington's unique selling point has largely faded into the background. In its place? Calls for empowering allies to build their own security capacity – a priority, Langley noted, that dates back to President Donald Trump’s Defense Department. "We have our set priorities now — protecting the homeland. And we’re also looking for other countries to contribute to some of these global instability areas," he stated, referencing US support for Sudan as an example.
This strategic recalibration comes as the US military itself looks inward, aiming to "build a leaner, more lethal force," potentially leading to cuts in military leadership positions, even in regions like Africa where the influence of rivals like China and Russia continues to deepen.
China, not one to sit idly by, has launched its own expansive training programs for African militaries, solidifying its presence and influence. Meanwhile, Russian mercenaries are recalibrating their strategies, firmly establishing themselves as the security partner of choice in various parts of North, West, and Central Africa. The stage is set for a new kind of great power competition on the continent.
Just a year prior, in an interview, Gen. Langley himself had underscored the "whole of government approach" as the key to countering insurgency. Even amidst setbacks, he defended the US strategy, arguing that military force alone couldn’t stabilize fragile states and safeguard US interests against the spread of violence. "I’ve always professed that AFRICOM is not just a military organization," Langley said last year, highlighting good governance as an "enduring solution to a number of layered threats."
While Langley mentioned successes in places like Ivory Coast, where development coupled with defense had reportedly reduced attacks by jihadi groups, such outcomes haven't been the norm across the continent.
The US military's apparent shift towards a more hands-off approach comes at a precarious time, as many African armies remain ill-equipped, and insurgent groups continue to gain ground. "We see Africa as the epicenter for both al-Qaida and Islamic State," a senior US defense official stated earlier this month, painting a concerning picture of growing regional affiliates and the Islamic State group's shifting command and control to the continent.
While Africa has often been lower on the Pentagon’s priority list, the US has still poured hundreds of millions of dollars into security assistance and maintains roughly 6,500 Africa Command personnel on the continent. In certain regions, the US faces direct competition from Russia and China, while in others, regional affiliates of al-Qaida and ISIS still necessitate direct military action, according to Langley.
This messaging pivot, from a comprehensive "whole of government" strategy to one emphasizing greater "burden-sharing," coincides with growing fears that escalating violence could spill beyond current hotspots, where insurgents have expanded their influence and exploited power vacuums to consolidate their control.
Regions in both East and West Africa have emerged as significant epicenters of violence. In 2024, a grim statistic revealed that over half of the world’s terrorism victims were killed across West Africa’s Sahel, a vast territory largely governed by military juntas. Somalia, according to the Institute for Economics and Peace, accounted for 6% of all terrorism-related deaths, making it the deadliest for terrorism in Africa outside the Sahel.
Since President Trump's administration, the US military has escalated airstrikes in Somalia, targeting operatives of ISIS and al-Shabab. Yet, despite this air support, Langley acknowledged that Somalia’s army remains far from capable of independently maintaining security on the ground. "The Somali National Army is trying to find their way," Langley said, noting some progress after years of setbacks but admitting, "There are some things they still need on the battlefield to be very effective."
Similarly, in West Africa, the idea of states soon possessing the capacity to counter such threats independently seems like a distant dream, according to Beverly Ochieng, an analyst at Control Risks. Even before Western influence began to wane in the Sahel, necessary military support was limited, threats remained active, and local militaries lacked the necessary tools.
Western powers with a presence in the Sahel have been gradually reducing their engagement, either by their own volition or due to being pushed out by increasingly hostile governments. "Many of them do not have very strong air forces and are not able to monitor the movement of militants, especially in areas where roads are very difficult to traverse, the infrastructure is extremely poor," Ochieng explained.
As Gen. Langley prepares to exit his post later this year, his perspective on the evolving situation is nuanced. "I’ve seen progression and I’ve seen regression," he observed, a sentiment that likely reflects the complex and shifting dynamics of security on the African continent.
